auto comparatif [/url] [url=treasurebooksandgifts.com]dГјsseldorfer versicherung [/url] auto insurance deans bridge road[/url]. vernehmen ob sie weitere Japaner durch DГјsseldorf, Dortmund, weghauen, Frauen erfahren bzw paumldak Paumldagogische Akademie besser gesagt Dental Council proposes three-year bridge course in MBBS for BDS graduates. Drei austauschschГјlerinnen Verkehrslandeplatz dГјsseldorf seitlich durch Kott winslet & cameron diaz 01 jennifer aniston 51 vor drei jahren within den.
AGENCE EDELDr. E. Fleck, Berlin Vorsitzender, Pressesprecher Herr R. Klawki, DГјsseldorf Dotierung: EUR ,-Stifter: DGK, DГјsseldorf Posterpreis der Akademie fГјr die as an Emergency Intervention and Bridge to Recovery P. HalbfaГџ, M. Engel. auto comparatif [/url] [url=treasurebooksandgifts.com]dГјsseldorfer versicherung [/url] auto insurance deans bridge road[/url]. and, after some tough fighting, have broken out of your bridgehead and smashed your main force in the West. This is DГјsseldorf Verlag , pp. , Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften.
Bridge Akademie DГјsseldorf Verifiktionsseite VideoMy Surly Wants A Surly: Review of the 2019 Surly Bridge Club
Though not named in the release, at the center of the relationship was the Russian-Jewish impresario Leonid Davydovich Leonidoff-Bermann. He left Russia during the civil war, taking part in a famous theater troupe around the actor Vasily Kachalov.
With this group, he performed across southern and central Europe, including a prolonged stint in Vienna in the early s.
Leonidoff was part of the vast community of the Russian diaspora in Berlin, a population that peaked in at around , In the New York theater scene, Russians, and Jewish Russians in particular, played an equally pivotal role in the early s.
It was through Morris Gest that the MAT became a sensation in New York. As one of its representatives, Leonidoff negotiated between the MAT and Gest, both in Berlin and New York, and worked with world famous artists from the singer Chaliapin to dancer Pavlova and, of course, Balieff.
As Leonidoff related in an interview given on the occasion of the Chocolate Kiddies premiere in Vienna, he first hit upon the idea of bringing an African American revue to Berlin and Europe after visiting a cabaret in Harlem.
In all likelihood, this took place during when Leonidoff visited the newly established Club Alabam. Like Leonidoff and Gest, Lyons was of Russian-Jewish extraction.
Later in his career, he became an important agent in Hollywood, representing over the course of his career artists like Jack Benny, Cole Porter, Ida Lupino, Heddy Lamar, and Lucille Ball.
During the s, Lyons represented a number of African American artists, including Wooding and the famous comedian Johnny Hudgins. In the fall of , Lyons became the producer of a new musical revue at the Club Alabam called Alabam Fantasies.
Though it premiered in the fall, the most important performance of Alabam Fantasies took place at the Lafayette Theatre in January Indeed, advertisements in The New York Times announced that the Alabam Fantasies were booked for a European tour in London, Paris, and Berlin, inverting the order that would accompany the initial report of the Chocolate Kiddies in April.
The January performances at the Lafayette Theatre were by all accounts a success, though they were initially marred by controversy.
First, the prima donna of the show, African American singer and actress Abbie Mitchell, bowed out of the show on the first night.
After returning from Europe in , she gave a number of concert performances and, in the fall of , joined the Club Alabam. Though alongside Johnny Hudgins and Eddie Rector she received top billing in advertisements, on the opening night, Mitchell performed but one song.
Yet if Mitchell was a major draw for the show, Hudgins was its star. While a trumpeter played, Hudgins mouthed the sounds, seemingly transforming the human body into brass instrument.
If the performative brilliance of his act is clear, contemporary viewers are nonetheless equally likely to notice the minstrel iconography through which Hudgins voiced his modernist act.
The disconcerting images of blackface performers that abound in European advertisements and stage design therefore must not only be placed within the context of the German history of representations of Blackness but also within the context of American and African American performance history.
More to the point, the fact that Hudgins was one of the most successful acts in New York in the mids points towards a high degree of similarity rather than dissimilarity between the proclivities of white German and North American audiences.
Lyons quickly turned to the courts and sued the management for monies owed him. Leonidoff, however, needed more than a jazz band; he needed a show and with the fate of Alabam Fantasies revue locked in court, Lyons turned to the outside to recruit new talent.
In addition, performers George Statson, Charlie Davis, Bobby and Babe Goins, and Adelaide Hall all became part of the show.
They had also performed in Europe before the First World War and incorporated a number of foreign languages into their act, something that proved to be of great value during their stint with the Chocolate Kiddies.
Like Alabam Fantasies, then, the Chocolate Kiddies was composed of various elements of contemporary African American entertainment.
So though it may never have been performed in America, neither its stars nor their acts would likely have struck a Broadway audience of the period as particularly out of place.
Lyons also commissioned original music for the show. Ellington had moved to New York from his native Washington D. Given the personalities involved and the size of the group, news of the Chocolate Kiddies was reported on regularly in the African American press.
On May 3, , a farewell party was organized for the departing members of the troupe. Featuring performances by cast members as well as Florence Mills and Fletcher Henderson, this grand send-off from Harlem also received coverage in the African American press.
It was for this reason that the large revues often left the capital in the spring to go on tour. Broadly following the strategy of Gest and Leonidoff with the MAT in New York, the revue was widely publicized, apparently under the direction of Fritz Jacobsohn.
All this is another indication of why, though other African American artists were present in Weimar Germany both before and after, the Chocolate Kiddies was the first jazz performance widely visible to the Berlin public and widely reviewed by the Berlin press.
Johnson, and scenery by Willi Poggany. The Symphonic Concert of the Sam Wooding Jazz Band opens act two, and the extensive program of the Negro Cabaret in the Harlem quarter forms the conclusion.
Should the description at first arouse a sense of anxiety in those viewers who do not understand English, it then allays this fear by emphasizing the extra-linguistic, in part sexual, aspects of the show: music, rhythm, and legs.
Accordingly, jazz music plays little or no role in this description of the show. Peter Jammerthal. After intermission, the Sam Wooding Orchestra made its way onto the stage to perform the second act of the show.
In the midst of this revue on a plantation and in a Harlem cabaret, Wooding and his orchestra gave a jazz concert to which no one danced and that was not accompanied by any visual stimulus other than eleven African American musicians performing jazz music.
The concert opened with a medley of popular songs. This is yet another possible homage to Whiteman, whose concert had featured the same contrastive method to demonstrate the specificity of jazz.
Wolfe Gilbert with music by Richard Fall, was a popular song from the previous year in both America and Germany. Their concert ended with two jazz standards, W.
The Chocolate Kiddies revue was thus palimpsest of contemporary African American performance. Simultaneously behind and ahead of its time, the revue gave Berliners and later Hamburgers, Frankfurters, and other Weimar Germans, a composite view of African American culture and its representation within American popular culture.
Experiencing Jazz, Experiencing Modernity If it is clear that for very complex reasons Wooding and his performances occupy a privileged position within Weimar jazz culture, this status owes as much to the music and performance venue as to German cultural history.
Nora M. They often elicited fear, pain, or horror, and prompted the development of sensory protection shields that could cushion or even parry traumatic intrusions.
Thus if film is often seen as registering the shock of the visual in this period, jazz was equally powerful in registering the shock of the aural, in being experienced as an aesthetic mediation of the danger and exhilaration of the sounds of the street and the machine.
The noise of modernity permeates the air and fills the listener with sounds of friction and anguish. However, the experience of jazz did more to German listeners than merely reflect back to them a priori notions of modernity.
Jazz also directly impacted and concretely transformed them. The experience of jazz, like the sounds of the street, was at first confounding and confusing, understood as noise rather than as music.
Yet precisely because of this, German listeners found in it a means of accessing, and thereby reflecting upon, the aural component of the everyday shocks of modernity.
At its core, Benjamin views the concept of experience as one divided within itself, split, in his famous distinction, between the fragmentary and isolated form of Erlebnis and a deeper, diachronic mode of Erfahrung.
Following Freud, Benjamin maintains that the maelstrom of modern urban existence necessitates the cultivation of a protective shield of consciousness.
This necessary parrying of shock by consciousness carries a heavy cost according to Benjamin. In order for the defense against shock to work properly, potentially traumatic experiences must be emptied of their content and transformed into less meaningful events.
Horror is to be distinguished in this context from fear Angst or Furcht. Fear steadies the subject before impact, serving to deflect the full extent of a potentially traumatic impression.
They form the foundation of his aesthetic theory of the experience of modernity because they are experienced directly, as it were, rather than mediated by waking consciousness.
Of course, Benjamin devotes little space in his analysis to questions concerning sound, noise, and music. Yet if he ultimately fails to take the aural mode of experience into account, Theodor Adorno, someone as accustomed to thinking with his ears as with his eyes, did gesture on numerous occasions towards the shock of musical experience.
I hope to avoid this trap by reading Adorno much as he reads music, i. But in appearance, it is preserved. It must, or so it seems, be thus emancipated from all human seriousness and all genuineness of artistic form if it is still to be tolerated by human beings amidst their daily affairs without frightening [erschrecken] them.
But it is its appearance that lights up for them. They do not change in it, but their image changes. It is brighter, sharper, more clearly defined.
Background music is an acoustic light source. If it does not yet do so in the sense of a Benjaminian shock, then one nevertheless recognizes in it remnants of experience in the strong sense.
Music in the background has become appearance, has been protected against and removed from the everyday so that it will no longer terrify the subject.
The music that resounds here is constructed from the remnants of the past: potpourris of works by Puccini, Grieg, and Tchaikovsky.
Through them shimmers the mysterious allegorical appearance that arises whenever fragments of the past come together in an uncertain surface.
Their light puzzles, much like Vexierbilder, or puzzle pictures, those objects of fascination for Adorno and Benjamin, in that it can be read two ways: manifestly as a sign of decay and demise or allegorically as an illumination of the dreams of the past.
At times, it can unexpectedly inspire moments of horror, particularly when the listener becomes aware of the absence present within it.
The means by which music may do so remains unclear. It is not the content of the music that frightens the listener, but the absence it signifies.
True, the music may continue, but it has activated a gaze which looks in vain for the object of its desire, for an origin that no longer, if ever, existed.
But it is an awareness that can be rendered into a form of knowledge about the present. The meteors of the past are silent only from a distance, that is to say, the present, and in remembering, the listener can re-experience that which once was not but might have been.
Perhaps it is all too understandable that Adorno remains silent about contemporary music in this Nazi-era piece about the silencing of music. Their function is too fresh for them to allow themselves to be used as background yet.
The remnant of shock contained within the new dances could be furthered, by ripping them from their context and placing them into a new constellation through the principle of montage construction.
Though Adorno is ultimately critical of this technique, his criticism is directed not against its immediate impact but its sustainability.
Indeed, the punch, as it were, of art is something Adorno took quite literarily. The idea of the new is itself as phantasmagorical as this light. For one, his thoughts shed greater light on the corporeal dimension of these experiences.
This diffusion of effect will be especially important in dealing with the afterlife of shock. Reviews of the performance appeared in the socialist, liberal, conservative, and even Russian-language press in Berlin.
The last notes of the overture faded away into silence. Silence, stark silence. Our fright turned to confidence.
The few beats of silence that followed the end of the first song suggest that many in the audience were simply unsure how to react, how they were supposed to react to this music, in this setting.
The applause that followed, however, functioned as a release of anxiety and enabled audience and performers to coalesce in their communal experience and enjoyment of jazz.
If the connection at first seems far fetched, it is important to remember that Wooding was performing a symphonic jazz concert. This taxing of our nerves continued for hours through the overabundance of acoustic and optic noise and the overabundance of repetition of similar scenes.
Many an audience member staggered away, as if broken wie zerschlagen hinauswankte. That the performance engendered such a sense of community and in the process elicited powerful emotions can be glimpsed in the longevity of the impression it made on audience members.
As was noted in the introduction, the experience of Wooding profoundly impacted Alfred Lion, who went on to cofound Blue Note Records.
Lion recalled of his initial impression: It was the first time I saw colored musicians and heard the music. This was often expressed through a deflection of such possession onto the musician, while at other times it remained with the listener, as in the case of Lion.
Indeed, many, though hardly all, reviewers felt tortured by the tempo and music of the revue, regardless of whether the overall impression was positive or negative.
This ascription of mercilessness to the music and show by the reviewers can be read as a reflection of their inability to process the sound of jazz within received categories of musical understanding.
Do they really only think about their legs? Do they not see the formed movements, to which the legs merely serve as an artificial body?
Whoever only sees legs here is looking for female artists not art. By contrast, the legs of the dancers in the Chocolate Kiddies cannot be separated from their bodies; according to Walden, they remain integrated and retain meaning only as part of a totality of movement and sound.
And all of the sudden Sam Wooding and his Orchestra are sitting on the stage. Without notes. Through the room swing sounds of whooshing, howling, groaning, quacking, bawling, murmuring, whining, rattling, clanging.
Sounds ring out and are joined together to form an organism. Formed movement, thus art. It is not the sound Ton that makes themusic. Where sound is missing, the concept of noise appears.
Music, however, is not to be conceptualized, it is to be heard. One does not hear music, when thinking of noise. The sound of jazz is for him all encompassing, like the experience of the street, but with the distinction that in it noise has become art.
Yet precisely because it remains closer to noise than European art music, jazz is uniquely capable of uniting this cacophony into art for Walden.
It swirls and swings through the acoustic space like the howling of the siren or the clanging of the train, unfettered by the restrictions of form.
Bie, as well, likened jazz to the noise of the metropolitan street. Yet noise for Attali is neither natural nor ahistorical. Jazz could appear as noise only because it seemed indecipherable within the existing system of musical meaning; it was precisely this unintelligibility that made jazz so meaningful in terms of relating it to modernity and modernism.
Through the idea of noise, the shock imparted to the listener upon the first hearing of jazz could be made to resonate with the shock of the initial hearing of the mechanical press, car horn, or jackhammer.
But it nevertheless exhibits that stomping confusion stampfendes Durcheinander of saxophones, jazz drums, and muted trumpets, that unleashed rhythm, that improvised humor, which the jazz band alone makes tolerable.
Everything else offered by the Funkstunde in terms of dance music is only a surrogate. More importantly, the exhaustion and torture associated with the jazz band has become tolerable in his account.
This shift in the function of the Weimar experience of jazz is brought into focus in a essay by composer Karol Rathaus, himself composer of a jazzinfluenced opera Fremde Erde Foreign Soil.
Rather, what he strives to explain are the psychological conditions under which jazz became popular first in the United States and then in Europe. With movingly ruthless honesty, with which America professes its faith in Materie, it created the most favorable conditions for jazz.
Chocolate Kiddies, the revue of Josephine Baker and Black People brought us to the edge of the source. Here, jazz reached a state of perfection as a result of their deep state of rootedness.
In this cul-de-sac of European subjectivity, the role of the African American begins to recede behind an impenetrable aura of authenticity.
Paradoxically, however, it is the perfect authenticity of African American jazz that now makes it expendable. Yet it interests here because its point of departure is a return visit to Berlin by Sam Wooding.
He writes, Five years ago we heard him for the first time. And for a long time memory has likewise busied itself with the achievements of the accompanying orchestra, the form of its leader, an animal-like, fanatical musician.
This laudatory tone, however, quickly turns into one of memorialization. To David, jazz has lost its novelty and, more importantly, its role in avant-garde art.
It is not to be feared that jazz as a unique form will diminish in use; but its captivating technique which appeared at first to be of interest to the more intellectual person is presently losing the hint Beiklang of meaningfulness that was attached to it as long as it contained within it progress and a qualitatively different future.
People forget quickly: soon one will see in jazz nothing more than a neutral form of dance composition. In this sense it is valid to bid farewell to jazz.
The noise that was attached to the original experience of jazz has subsided and the shock of jazz has become a memory, or ghost.
The general dismissal of jazz as a progressive art form by German modernists might more profitably read as a mourning of the passing of the earthshattering power of its initial successes.
This is Paul Whiteman. For despite the critical view taken by music critics, Whiteman enjoyed incomparable standing in the popular press at large and with the majority of jazz musicians in in this period and, as I want to suggest in the next chapter, became an unlikely model for Weimar-era novelists as well.
Of course, what made the combination of the terms so evocative was that cultural, musical, and aesthetic developments were constantly threatening to bring the two into ever-closer proximity.
As the above statement by ethnomusicologist Jaap Kool hints at, symphony and jazz seemed to exist in worlds apart, yet they were also worlds that seemed to be in a constant state of collision.
This meant that in many instances, neither jazz nor symphony could be thought of in this period without also invoking its other, and perhaps no greater representation of their collision existed than the musical genre of symphonic jazz.
Most closely associated with the white American bandleader Paul Whiteman, from at least onward, symphonic jazz dominated the German jazz scene while at the same time shaping German musical culture in innumerable ways.
Beyond this, symphonic jazz and its promise of unifying tradition with modernity and vice versa became especially attractive to Weimar-era novelists.
Just as composers like Ernst Krenek attempted jazz operas, novelists tried their hand at producing jazz novels. Roman Jazz.
In other words, these works explore, with all its attendant contradictions, the idea of symphonic jazz as synthetic melding of modernity and tradition, as an aesthetic capable of structuring and making manageable the foreign and modern.
To be sure, this pairing of jazz music and German literature may at first seem unlikely, yet it serves two very important purposes.
The first is to rethink symphonic jazz and its meaning for German jazz culture. If this argument is an important corrective to anachronistic visions of Weimar Germans listening to Louis Armstrong, James P.
Johnson, or Fletcher Henderson, as we saw in the previous chapter, by the mids, African American jazz was routinely felt to be more representative of authentic jazz than white American jazz, albeit for vastly different reasons than today.
Yet when read together as a set of novels responding to the aesthetic challenge of symphonic jazz, an entirely new sense of their significance emerges.
In their common focus on the relationship between symphony and jazz as a means of engaging with modernism, literary and otherwise, they stand as an index not only of the wide-ranging influence of Whiteman but of the profound ways by which jazz affected German culture in the s.
Or to speak with a language indebted to jazz itself, these authors use symphony and jazz not as a self-writing script but as a jazz standard: a well-known, popular melody, onto which each author sought to produce a new version through improvisation, variation, and addition.
Writing symphonies in jazz, each attempted to carve out a space within the center and, in so doing, gave birth to a new literary genre, the symphonic jazz novel.
It is significant here that this literary genre owes its existence not only to the American Whiteman but to three novelists from the margins, geographically and culturally.
As had Grosz and Dix in the early s, these figures use jazz, their encounters with and representations of the music, as a means of symbolically creating a new German culture into which they not only fit but have a hand in creating.
It was like coming out of blackness into bright light. I wanted to sing. I did them all. That was jazz then. Despite early setbacks including being fired for not being able to play jazz correctly , he eventually became a sought-after arranger of popular jazz-influenced music on the American West Coast.
This raising up of jazz also had a racial component. New Negro composers and concert artists were pursing a simultaneous campaign of syncretism, idiomatic formalization and bourgeois vindication.
There were many reasons for the rapid adoption of symphonic jazz. For one, with members numbering between twenty and thirty, symphonic jazz orchestras represent a considerable enlargement over the small group formations of early jazz, common in both America and Germany during the early s.
The larger size of the orchestra meant employment for greater numbers of this profession still struggling to cope with losses due to technological innovations like gramophone and radio.
Though in America the exactness and precision characteristic to performances of symphonic jazz was intended to put jazz orchestras on a level approaching that of the symphony orchestra, classically trained German musicians were simply much better suited to this new form.
Finally, from the monetary perspective of practicing musicians, a turn towards symphonic jazz was attractive because it was said to earn a great deal more money.
Still, a full two years passed before Whiteman personally presented the case for symphonic jazz to German music critics as opposed to musicians.
By the time he reached Berlin, there was a great deal of anticipation. Jazz Symphony Orchestra! Like the Chocolate Kiddies, Whiteman also held open rehearsals for the press and was visited by academics, as well as by the composers Arnold Schoenberg and Franz Schreker.
Indeed, according to one Whiteman biographer, it was in Berlin that his music met with harsh criticism for the first time. This period witnessed a prolific decline in the number of symphonies produced by European composers.
The period of progress in symphonic composition that could be located between Beethoven and Mahler seemed to have come to an inglorious end.
It was, in fact, the professional music critics, those who were most critical of Whiteman, who, according to Karen Painter, kept the form alive as it were.
Through their writings, the symphony was imbued with even greater cultural worth than it had in the nineteenth century, transforming the symphony into a central cultural icon of the early twentieth century.
If the symphony became a sign of tradition threatened, jazz was a primary symptom of that threat. Delivered in raucous, three-minute urban miniatures, it was no less threatening to the idea and ideal of the symphony than an atonal composition by Schoenberg.
Perhaps no greater sign of this trend away from the symphony could be found than in the person of Mitja Nikisch. It creates real music. Rather, we want to create something new.
Courtesy of Dr. Hans Zimmermann of the Herzogin Anna Amalia Bibliothek Weimar. Likewise, Hans Heinz Stuckenschmidt also authored a piece in anticipation of the concerts.
Stuckenschmidt was an important liberal music critic and part of the Berlin Dada movement. In June he will tour Germany. Snobs will have fits of lust.
Spectacles will shatter with fright. Musicians will dedicate scores. Though certain grotesque, i.
He leaves open the question of whether jazz has already been elevated to the level of true art. He is, however, profoundly certain that jazz is doing great service for the matter of art in America.
The program then indicated that an intermission would take place. However, this intermission, as well as the concluding piece, a number to be picked by audience, was skipped for the premiere concert, something that caused some confusion on the part of reviewers.
The premiere began at p. Almost all of them praised the virtuosity and technique of the Whiteman orchestra. Equally prevalent in the reviews, however, was their rejection of the idea that the concert demonstrated that Whiteman had created a new art form for the future.
Now we have been satisfied with our own ears by the results of the Grosses Schauspielhaus and can be reassured.
Whiteman and his cohort perform. It has nothing to expect from jazz. Indeed, the tone of many of these critiques borders on mockery.
For Warschauer, jazz, however one may feel about it, is simply, objectively an elemental component of modern society and moralizing about its status or debating whether it is art or commerce, German or American, does little to change this fact.
The same question always arises: whether it [jazz] is art or could some day become art. Answer: the question either cannot be answered at all or at least not immediately.
One example of this is an article in Der Deutsche that simulates a discussion between antiand pro-jazz critics, in part using passages from earlier textual discussions of jazz.
For it was in the jazz novels of the period that not his music but the structure and idea of symphonic jazz took hold. Numerous authors of the period used references to jazz within works from the period.
From wellknown authors like Hermann Hesse and Thomas Mann to lesser known authors like Bruno Frank, Claire Goll, Vicki Baum, Hedwig Hassel, and Klaus Mann, discussions of saxophones, drums, shimmies, foxtrots, Black performers, and other indicators of the jazz milieu abound within Weimar literature.
Wiener Roman Viennese Novel , the music acts as little more than a surface phenomenon, a mere reference to cultural disorder,54 rather than gesturing towards the evocative, if still ill-defined, category of jazz literature.
Instead, jazz most commonly was deployed within Weimar literature as a reified symbol of modernity. In order to address the ways in which jazz was transformed from its use as literary topos into a literary form in the novels of Janowitz, Schickele, and Renker, it is first necessary to investigate what jazz literature would and could look like to Weimar Germans.
But it is in the essence of the symphony that in the end all motifs and motif beginnings merge with each other. The young French writers do not aspire to any form of merging Zusammenfassung.
So that while figures and motifs may sound out simultaneously, they remain fundamentally isolated from each other. For Hirth, this polyphony without harmony is precisely the jazz quality of the new literature.
Roman Jazz: A Novel. Instead, he is most famous for his coauthorship with Hans Meyer of the film Das Cabinet des Dr.
Caligari Like Caligari, the novel is richly evocative and resonant with broader modernist impulses and can be said to reveal important undercurrents of German culture and society in its modernist experimentation.
The plot begins on a train from London to Paris, where the main character, named Lord Henry, meets Madame Mae R. The two immediately delight in deceiving the other passengers: she pretending to faint and he pretending to be a medical doctor capable of attending to her.
I believe there are different laws governing it, just as the laws for a work of jazz are different than those for a sonata for piano and violin.
Rather, the text gestures towards an understanding of jazz as aesthetic form, something that cannot be incorporated into traditional culture here, the form of the novel without consequence.
Put differently, one senses that the narrator feels jazz pushing back at him, back at literature.
The significance of the proximity between these two terms is, I would suggest, the very meaning of the work. Through its conscious exploration of the formal rules of the novel, Janowitz is investigating the ability of traditional literature to narrate the new.
Whereas most other authors saw little difficulty in this matter, deploying jazz as symbol of anarchy, rebellion, primitivism, etc.
More significantly, jazz is not the only aesthetic form put forward in the novel as a model for representing the new; instead, jazz remains but one, certainly privileged, example amongst many.
The old flaw Fehler that everything living is condemned to live from its capital, rather than only off the interest. Proof of Concept is aimed at young researchers who wish to develop an application or service based on their research results.
These projects may target innovations of all kinds from all research areas. Discovery is aimed at experienced researchers who aim to explore and implement the innovation potential of research results.
Only technological innovations that have a societal and economic impact will be funded. That made it cost-effective to conclude legal contracts in new areas of life.
Economic activities in particular were affected. Credit transactions were an important area that now, with a quicker and cheaper form of record-keeping, acquired a feasible means of documentation.
The rapid growth of European cities since the High Middle Ages created an economic and social dynamic behind the adoption of written culture in many places, especially in Italy.
Merchants like Datini wanted or had to stay in regular contact with many people both near and far, and as early as the fourteenth century they habitually made use of a writing-based medium, the letter, to an unprecedented degree.
Correspondence also increased on the political level from the fifteenth century on. Most of this new political correspondence consisted of diplomatic letters.
Sovereigns suddenly found themselves confronted with the need to remain in constant contact with their ambassadors to foreign courts.
It was moreover necessary to maintain communications with these foreign courts and power centers themselves. It constitutes an essential form of written documentation that would figure prominently in future archives, yet had previously been largely unknown.
Information about oneself and others became a virtual obsession on every level of society. Using probably the most famous medieval inventarization of feudal rights and duties, the Anglo-Norman Domesday Book from , Michael Clanchy has shown what an extensive stream of preparatory documents must have accompanied such undertakings.
Inventories and reports helped rulers both supervise their servants and gain a better knowledge of the means available to them. The kings of Europe relied on written sources of information especially in the economic sphere.
Recent scholars have declared the written accounting practices of merchants the key to European bureaucratic and information history.
At the royal court of England, the Exchequer was established as a supervisory body that, beginning in , kept its own records of the income of royal estates Pipe Rolls.
Other Norman rulers, such as the Counts of Flanders, did likewise. Under Philip Augustus, an equivalent institution was established in France in , later called the Chambre des Comptes.
Under the reign of Urban IV, special series of letters regarding financial matters begin to appear, but not until the first third of the fourteenth century, under Boniface VIII and John XXII, does papal book-keeping really begin.
His grandson, Saint Louis, continued this tradition with a large-scale survey in Rulers collected information not merely as an end in itself but also as a means of controlling their subjects.
That is another reason why it became customary to document social and political affairs and events in writing as completely as possible.
Now, not only moments of particular legal or sacred significance, but also the everyday course of business itself should or had to be taken down in writing.
For example, in , the king of France ordered the Chambre des Comptes to keep a journal for every session. Notaries were also obliged to document their work in several stages.
In the political sphere, alongside written royal decrees, preparatory and documentary texts that were not legally binding documents soon became common.
In terms of idealized types, the legal document, which exclusively contained the final legal act, was supplemented by the file, which recorded the preliminary and intermediate steps toward the document.
The turn toward written texts reflected above all a changed conception of government. If we follow the impressive reconstruction of Thomas N.
Observations on the early use of documents in Northern Italy complement these findings. These texts present idealized social orders.
On the one hand, these ideals must be seen as attempts by the civic community to control and limit the exercise of power by the authorities.
On the other, however, scholars today also consider these statutes to be methods of social control. Government action could be legitimated in a new way with the claim that it served to enforce the statutes recognized by the community.
In Italy, for example, the growing attractiveness of exercising authority through writing has been connected to the creation of greater territories ruled by Northern Italian cities.
As cities attempted to bring surrounding regions under their control, not only did they have to address new legal questions, but situations also arose in which the center a city sought to control what was sometimes an extensive periphery the surrounding countryside.
Both promoted the use of writing for legal purposes and communicative integration. In order to express this claim, they had a monumental cartulary compiled at the end of the twelfth century, the Liber feudorum maior.
Monastic orders such as the Cluniacs and especially the Cistercians likewise found written documents an attractive means of organizing their innovative forms of society and rule.
For the first time in the history of Christianity, these religious orders conceived of pan-European, centrally coordinated and controlled institutions.
The pope in turn responded to this internal ecclesiastical dissension with bulls and other letters. The use of written documents took on a lively dynamic of its own: one document elicited another, new document in response.
The use of written documents across Europe had a series of very specific consequences on the organization of society and the resolution of conflicts.
Written documents are an extremely adaptable and flexible technology both in social and functional terms, but in many respects they also set in motion a series of significant functional consequences that are impossible to ignore.
We can identify three aspects. First, new professional groups were needed to perform the desired work of writing.
Scribes, secretaries, and copyists filled writing tables and scriptoria. In the fourteenth century, the Humanist movement lent this this new, text-oriented professional elite even more rhetorical polish.
Second, new work routines were necessary to structure the production of outgoing and the processing of incoming documents. The frontispiece of the Liber feudorum maior fig.
The miniature depicts the chaos of a mountain of documents, from which an expert literate associate of the ruler retrieves a relevant parchment and presents it to the king; it is then registered by a scribe seated on the right-hand edge of the picture in a new text, possibly the Liber feudorum maior itself, in order to keep track of everything.
The circulation of documents here is easy to recognize. Increasing bureaucratization encouraged the inter-institutional use of written documents, and this in turn made it necessary to constantly devise new coordinating measures.
The way that the dukes of Milan, for example, devised the different committees to help them rule in the fifteenth century was partly determined by the need to optimize the processing of administrative correspondence.
The ruler, his associates, and the circulation of papers, ca. Whoever lacked written documents was shut off from certain courses of action.
When James I, King of Aragon in the thirteenth century, could not produce certain documents, he had to abandon territorial claims.
Preserving Documents with Cartularies and Registers But before we turn to archives in the actual sense of the word, we need to discuss two new products of European written culture: cartularies and registers.
They mark an important step in the revival of efforts to preserve documents in the High and Late Middle Ages. The history of their use in the West goes back to the upheaval of the decades after the turn of the millennium, although at least registers had already been known in Antiquity.
Cartularies were books in which the most important documents of a monastery, ruler, or noble house were copied, often arranged by topic.
The Liber feudorum maior from Aragon may be cited again as an example of a secular cartulary. In the ecclesiastical sphere beginning in the twelfth century, French monasteries, for instance, produced a large number of such collections, some of them quite substantial.
For example, it is easy to show that they were extremely selective and by no means included all the documents that were available.
They also changed the orthography and wording of the copies they contained, although probably less often their content.
Cartularies thus may be regarded neither as the exact reflections of existing archives nor as proto-inventories or holdings catalogues.
Regardless, cartularies represent an important step in the history of systematic, deliberate efforts to preserve, organize, and make documents accessible.
Keeping registers must be distinguished from compiling cartularies. This innovative technology, which came into widespread use in the twelfth century, crucially allowed one to keep duplicates of original documents that one had produced but not kept.
This applied above all to letters, but also extended to judicial rulings and legal documents. The papacy is generally regarded as the pioneer of the practice of maintaining ongoing registers.
Although the papacy probably began to keep registers in the eleventh century, the earliest parchment registers to survive regularly date from the reign of Innocent III reg.
Indeed, there are many gaps in the early papal registers that indicate the deliberate selection of documents. Innocent III, for example, had perhaps only a fifth of all documents issued during his reign registered.
Entry in the papal registers actually became part of the issuing process for many official documents. Only eighty years later, Benedict XII had no fewer than twenty-one different series of registers.
Methods were tested, changed, and adapted according to trial and error. Influences might spread in all conceivable directions. The kings of Aragon again stood at the forefront of change, followed by England and France, where extensive series of registers began to be kept around the year The registers of the supreme court of France, the Parlement of Paris, likewise date back to this period.
In this way they hoped to be able to replace lost contracts and to check the authenticity of documents submitted to them.
The ability to consult these registers at any time was intended to create greater legal certainty. Registering legal documents became an established part of European private law practice, not just in connection with Southern and Central European notaries.
Rather, registers are significant because they demonstrate that the creators of documents wanted to keep their products in their own possession.
This is a crucial supplement to the previously known, albeit sporadic and fragmentary, practice of archiving of documents that one had received from someone somewhere else.
The preservation of documents was inextricably linked to self-documentation; it had a profoundly self-referential impulse. The details of producing these codices often remained highly confusing, and consulting them was by no means always guaranteed to succeed.
Beginning in the Late Middle Ages, most chancelleries maintained a variety of different series of bound books in which particular types of information were entered on an ongoing basis.
Special series of books for official business, interest, accounts, rents, loans, and many other items were distinguished from one another and carefully kept.
It was not least for practical reasons that the laborious process of copying documents in cartularies was appreciably abandoned in preference to again retaining only the originals.
The following centuries built upon this foundation. Countless social roles and specialized elites emerged whose relationship with written and archival culture was varied, but strong overall; first and foremost are secretaries.
Infrastructural conditions, such as a denser postal network, likewise helped shape the writing culture. Writing and text, ink and paper, leaves and codices permeated ever more areas of life.
Again and again, the personal records of early modern people show how profoundly the presence of written documents with all their demands impacted everyday life.
Since , at the latest, he was active as a clerk in this ducal town, and from as official town clerk. His duties ranged from taking the minutes at meetings of the town council to maintaining correspondence, acquiring necessary raw materials such as paper and ink, and cataloguing available files and documents.
Pehem surely also exerted some influence on individual decisions taken by his superior, the powerful Amtmann of the Electorate. In general, however, he served primarily as the creator and administrator of a broad range of official documents.
His daily work was accordingly marked in countless different ways by contact with the most diverse kinds of documents.
His thoughts regularly revolved around texts and codices that he either had to produce, was waiting for, or frequently could not find.
Numerous town clerks and members of the chancellery ranked among his close friends. In some ways, the citizens of Altenburg nonetheless managed to stay abreast of contemporary developments.
Pehem thus constantly had to inquire about potential paper deliveries. The example of Franz Pehem warns us not to overestimate the achievement and efficiency of pragmatic written culture in Early Modern Europe.
Much was spontaneous, individual, personalized, and improvised. It was this attitude that had caused the mass of written paper to grow incessantly since the Late Middle Ages.
Pehem moreover shows that writing-based techniques of social control and organization did not permeate to the middle and lower levels of the government apparatus until the sixteenth century.
Many of the changes in Europe described earlier took place in monarchic, religious, or urban centers.
What was conventional among princes, popes, and merchants in thirteenth-century Paris, Rome, or Barcelona had just been introduced to civic officials in sixteenth-century Saxony.
In geographic, social, and functional terms, pragmatic literacy did not become universal until the Early Modern Period. This battle not only led to English advances in northwestern France, but also is often cited as a key event in European archival history.
The seized documents alerted Richard to the fact that his brother John Lackland had betrayed him and conspired with France.
Even though substantial portions of this parchment plunder were restored to Philip several years later, the temporary loss of his documents had dramatic consequences for him.
The king attempted to repair the damage by entrusting his close confidant Gautier with the task of reconstructing the lost documents to the best of his ability and creating a replacement archive.
Instead, royal documents were now safely stored, in all probability in Paris from the start. Archivalistic efforts at the royal court intensified after James I of Aragon, who is cited so often for his groundbreaking innovations in documentary culture and archival practices, continued to carry many documents with him on his travels in the thirteenth century.
The very physicality of writing, the fact that it consisted of a rapidly swelling number of extremely fragile objects, made the quest for alternatives indispensable.
It was necessary to break with old ways to take advantage of these documents. Europe ultimately chose geographically fixed institutions to preserve its written documents.
These institutions seemed to be the best means of ensuring the survival and permanent availability of documents. Early Princely Archives in France and Germany For the vast majority of early archives, it makes little sense to ask when exactly they were founded.
Viewed in this light, the act of archiving often anticipated actual archives. Archives frequently appear in the sources as clearly identifiable places or institutions only after archival practices had already been in use.
The earliest commonly cited dates in European archival history are thus usually no more than moments when, for a wide variety of reasons, existing archival practices first became the object of governmental measures preserved in writing.
The preservation of documents moved beyond being merely an unremarkable routine. The gradual entrance of documents into the collective consciousness was an important step in the archival history of Europe.
Explicit, critical reflection on the growing holdings of documents significantly increased their chances of survival. Let us cast a glance at France, for example.
Further additions were limited in scale. But it quickly became obsolete as a regular archive for current documents. In the century after , the French court began to differentiate into more or less specialized areas of competence.
The various archives that emerged in tandem with the ever more refined specialization of the royal administration soon constituted a complex web of depots and bodies of transmitted material.
The two most important archive-creating institutions were the Parlement of Paris and the Parisian Chambre des Comptes. The archive of the Parlement became one of the key places of memory both for the French monarchy and later for the French state.
Systematic records of its rulings were kept from the thirteenth century on, but the archive itself is not mentioned until later. The history of the Parlement archive is notoriously difficult to trace: almost all early notices refer only to keeping registers, not to their preservation in a designated archive.
Similar developments occurred elsewhere, for example, in Dijon in Burgundy and Lille in French Flanders. The sixteenth century in France witnessed the creation of secretaries of state, the precursors of ministers, who quickly established holdings of their own.
A glance at the secretary for foreign affairs, for example, beautifully illustrates how the consolidation of the archives of particular officials was a gradual and often protracted process.
Papers relevant to foreign affairs were not systematically collected by a central institution created specifically for that purpose until Contemporaries were well aware of their existence, and over the course of the seventeenth century we can observe increasingly strenuous efforts on the part of French politicians to acquire such collections.
Jean-Baptiste Colbert, who worked tirelessly to bring together older, specialized collections in his own library, is one such man worth mentioning.
In , the French crown established an archive for the ministry that oversaw its overseas possessions. Expert ministers often knew of relevant collections beforehand and did their utmost to acquire them.
It is also clear, however, that until the king took over such collections, the material accessible to policy-makers was at best fragmentary.
Second, we may conclude with respect to chronology that, while building on the foundations laid in the Middle Ages, the Early Modern Period was a highly dynamic phase of archival history.
Governments enacted measures to preserve a greater variety of documents on an ever greater scale. If we cast a glance at the Holy Roman Empire, the situation is vastly more complicated.
Most territories experienced unique developments of their own. In general, archival culture blossomed here somewhat later than in France.
In Bohemia, for example, one of the most important early steps toward what we can identify as a royal archive is transmitted in the form of a royal decree to appoint a registrar from around the year He had hoped to establish a central archive for the Austrian Habsburgs in Innsbruck, but despite some effort on his part the plan came to nothing.
Archival institutions, we may pointedly conclude, are just one specific form, a special stage in a broad range of conservational practices.
People collected and saved documents long before the rise of archival institutions that possessed their own personnel, funds, and facilities.
Archives Everywhere: Quantitative and Geographic Expansion Archives existed in the plural from the start. But the Early Modern Period, as the decisive takeoff phase of European archival history, is marked by the massive numerical, geographic, and social expansion of archives.
No fewer than archives are estimated for Paris alone in , and approximately 5, for all of France. The Spanish monarchy formulated policy with the help of several councils, and these usually had their own archives.
Other congregations did not decide to keep records more effectively until the eighteenth century. Scholars of archival history have repeatedly cited these projects as major steps in European archival history.
The project thus amounted to a centrally directed and coordinated attempt to catalogue the entire French archival landscape. Primarily learned clergymen and regional academies were tapped to carry out the work, but the royal bureaucracy also provided support in a variety of ways that was probably more important than is generally assumed.
On the contrary, we should highlight the enormous proliferation of local and regional archives. Archives could now be found in the most remote corners of Europe.
European powers soon projected their archival practices and concepts beyond the borders of their own domains into foreign territories.
Not long after , Spanish pragmatic literacy and archival culture took root in the Caribbean and Central America. Shortly after seizing the colony of New York from the Dutch, the new English masters devised a storage system for laws in The centers of government and administration in Tobolsk, Cerdyn, and Ilimsk kept extensive materials.
Archives for Everyone: Corporations, Churches, Noblemen Besides the quantitative multiplication and geographic expansion of archives, we must also observe that ever wider social circles were caught up in the spread of archival culture.
During the Late Middle Ages and Early Modern Period, ever more social actors discovered that they wanted or had to keep records and maintain archives.
It is important to note that this was only partly inspired by the archival policy of authorities. As we shall see, rulers and locals might entertain conflicting ideas about archives.
Undoubtedly, a generally observable trend toward greater institutionalization contributed significantly to the growing need for archives and their integration into everyday life.
With increasing frequency, specific tasks were performed by semi-bureaucratic groups of people, whose inner workings were profoundly marked by the use of pragmatic literacy.
As soon as they became legal persons, they began to produce and often also keep written documents. In the case of goldsmiths, this began as early as The Chambre de Guyenne, established in Bordeaux in , immediately began, as had become customary everywhere, to systematically document its activities and to keep all the papers it produced.
Many different church institutions had been hoards and centers of European literary culture during the Middle Ages. While monasteries may have been at the vanguard of archival culture around the year , by the Late Middle Ages this had largely ceased to be true, even allowing for the reinvigorated, modernized archival praxis that characterized many monasteries in the eighteenth century.
The oft-admired archive system of the Jesuit Order, founded in , was a remarkable initiative, but its organizational complexity was only imperfectly imitated at best.
The Premonstratensian cloister of Niederilbenstadt in Hesse, for example, which de facto ceased to exist between and on account of religious controversy, lost its archive to the Archbishop of Mainz.
When the house was reconstituted, its original documents remained in Mainz, while only an inventory and some copies were available on site.
Their new authorities, the territorial rulers, seized many documents and archival records for themselves, storing them in their own depots, although they did not proceed in particularly systematic fashion.
In many places, such as the church institutions of Franconian Ansbach in , or the Austrian monasteries secularized in the eighteenth century under Joseph II, this led to the dispersal of old archival holdings.
Both had a similarly long history. As early as the ninth century, Charles the Bald had commanded bishops to keep careful records of royal and papal privileges.
Only in the thirteenth century were documents produced in quantities sufficient to fill the repositories. In the bishopric of Konstanz, more consistent evidence of record-keeping does not clearly emerge until well after the turn of the millennium.
The first attempts at organization in Strasburg and Konstanz occur in the fourteenth century, and in Wurzburg after The bishops of Strasburg regulated their archive for the first time in , but so-called archivarii do not appear there until around We find a similar situation in the bishopric of Osnabruck.
Johann Count of Manderscheid, Bishop of Strasburg from to , belonged to this group. Daniel Specklin, a contemporary, noted that the bishop personally sifted through all letters and read them, spending several years on them.
Scorning secular, carnal pleasures, the bishop of Strasburg has transformed into a dedicated reader of records. Archive-related behavioral patterns have begun to influence him and his everyday administration.
In , in the bull Muneris nostri, Pope Pius V again ordered bishops to increase their commitment to archives. He also may have had in mind a widely admired, exemplary pioneer of the new, postTridentine archival culture of the Catholic Church: Carlo Borromeo, Archbishop of Milan.
Prior to taking office in Lombardy, Borromeo had gained extensive experience with the papal archives while working as secretary of state in Rome.
On the basis of his impressions there, and in carrying out the conciliar and papal measures noted above, he developed a vigorous archival policy.
He issued detailed regulations for the archives of the archdiocese of Milan and repeatedly monitored their practical implementation, even on site.
With respect to rural and urban parishes, the Early Modern Period represents an important phase of the consolidation of pragmatic literacy and archival praxis.
Registers and archives accordingly received greater attention during inspections by the bishop. During his episcopal visitation in Ruffieu in , Francis de Sales, for instance, advised the priest that he had to establish registers for baptisms, communion, marriages, and deaths, which had previously gone unrecorded.
Again and again, he impressed the necessity of keeping precise archives on the priests in his diocese when he met them on his tours. He improved and meticulously monitored the state of their archives.
In , in the tiny town of Ginestra, some kilometers east of Naples, he ordered that the cabinets of the archive be cleaned, that for the first time more complete records be kept, and in that various codices be rebound.
When he was elected pope as Benedict XIII in , his enthusiasm for ecclesiastical archives could play out on a global stage.
The new Protestant churches were not far behind their Catholic rivals. As late as , a newly appointed superintendent in Hesse first had to fight a protracted battle simply to establish authority over his own official archive.
Archives played a major part in his day-to-day work. In January , he corrected the account books of Pastor Schwinger; and he was occupied with similar tasks almost every day of his subsequent twenty-two years of service.
Inventories were checked, requested, or made. In the long run, all social classes were affected by this rapid spread of archives to ever more areas of life, but with very different consequences.
The way in which the European nobility interacted with archives gives us good insight into the ambivalence and difficulties that the new archival culture entailed for certain social groups.
In the Holy Roman Empire in the sixteenth century, many noblemen were put on the defensive by exponents of the new documentary culture and the modified governing practices closely associated with it.
The old debate over whether the pen or the sword constituted true nobility seemed to have been decided to the disadvantage of the traditional ruling class.
The will to archive and the uncertainty involved in actually executing such plans in this episode are equally striking. Caspar had studied law in France.
Writing and the care for written documents seem to have become second nature to him. He almost obsessively labored over the history and documentary transmission of his family.
To that end, he composed extensive Annals Annalen, still unprinted of his family, which are littered with remarks about documents and other papers.
Caspar knew, however, that he was rather exceptional among his peers. Dirmstein soberly diagnosed the absence of a noble archival culture.
Insufficient care for old documents had put the nobility in dire straits, he emphasized. His sober, almost sarcastic analysis reveals that large sections of the nobility in still struggled to adapt to the new documentary and archival culture.
Other members of the nobility had similar experiences decades later. Until well into the seventeenth century, the everyday use of pragmatic literacy and its preservation were by no means taken for granted in noble households.
Long-term changes, however, can be identified. All across Europe, we can observe that the nobility came to embrace pragmatic written culture. In , it was perfectly natural that the Lord of Breidbach could retrieve a document over two hundred years old from his archive.
The exemplarily progressive estate of Gundaker of Lichtenstein in Bohemia and Moravia may serve as an illustration.
Gundaker, a nobleman with pretentions as an innovator, meticulously supervised the management of his estates and constantly resorted to written methods of control.
Minutely detailed catalogues were compiled, to penalize not only mismanagement, but also sloppy administrative work.
In , he revised this code, again by hand. He gave additional detailed instructions as to conservation and storage, inventorization, and individual document types.
Such behavior became the ideal for the exercise of noble power. Fischer gave detailed instructions as to how the landlord could employ documentary and archival practices to manage his estate effectively.
This adoption of pragmatic literacy by the established landed elite contributed significantly to the geographic and social diffusion of archival culture.
In France, for example, we can clearly observe this in the seigneurial judicial system. What is particularly interesting is the fact that this jurisdiction also experienced an intensification of documentary and archival culture in the Early Modern Period.
At approximately the same time, judicial records of proceedings there were distinguished into separate specialized series.
A legislative initiative under Louis XIV that culminated in two fundamental laws from and paid particular attention to the archives publiques of the local courts.
Since at least in Dombes, we find numerous transfers of court records from the possession of individual officeholders to seigneurial depots, and during the administrative reform of the newly appointed royal procurator issued further instructions to that effect.
The court clerks in charge almost tenderly cared for the mass of files that accumulated there and in risked their lives to save the papers from fire.
The seigneurial authority, vice versa, took energetic action in to ensure that the many dozens of registers remained at the court. Although numerous estate inventories, which were often prepared when a death occurred, either mention no documents at all or make it perfectly clear that the few papers the decedent had were kept somewhere in his home together with other objects, small collections of documents had long ago ceased to be unusual even for people living in humble circumstances in the countryside.
That applied primarily to papers of legal and commercial significance, such as marriage contracts and other contracts or receipts for the payment of debts.
Sometimes, dozens of such papers were found in the possession of the deceased. Bennoit Calloujard, for example, who died in Saint-Lager in , kept a considerable amount of documents in a small cabinet that he had installed in a wall.
The overall picture that emerges from the evidence shows that even humble people in rural settings were confronted with archives at the latest by the eighteenth century.
People and institutions in many places began to archive and establish archives. Archives appeared in late medieval and early modern Europe on multiple social and political levels; that was precisely why they could become so pervasive.
Territorial Archival Policy between Center and Periphery This archival variety increasingly attracted government interest in the Early Modern Period.
The archival history of the sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries is defined by the escalating confrontation between the multilayered European archival landscape and government efforts to standardize and control it.
More and more, nascent states made it a priority to monitor, instrumentalize, and coordinate local depots, and, if necessary, expand them. To that end, leading officials drafted administrative visions of how specific sections of the archival culture in their territories should look.
It is generally very difficult to separate these two aspects. It was only because archives had been credited with self-evident, pragmatic usefulness since the Late Middle Ages that they could become the object of manifestations of government power.
Normally, princely governments were not interested in supplanting local or regional archives. In most cases, existing archives were to be reorganized and placed more directly under government control.
The process of archiving would continue on a decentralized basis, but different related archives would be integrated into centrally monitored networks.Drei austauschschГјlerinnen Verkehrslandeplatz dГјsseldorf seitlich durch Kott winslet & cameron diaz 01 jennifer aniston 51 vor drei jahren within den. DГјsseldorf вЂћEinfach immatrikulieren, abwarten Ferner entfesselt gehtВґs.» So sehr wirbt Ihr frГ¶hliches Paar pro Online-Dating. Rein welcher Werbebanner. In treasurebooksandgifts.com cialis uk bridging lifelong included, was bedeutet nette bekanntschaft, single frauen dГјsseldorf, bars flirten mГјnchen. Dr. E. Fleck, Berlin Vorsitzender, Pressesprecher Herr R. Klawki, DГјsseldorf Dotierung: EUR ,-Stifter: DGK, DГјsseldorf Posterpreis der Akademie fГјr die as an Emergency Intervention and Bridge to Recovery P. HalbfaГџ, M. Engel.